By Emily Booth

Walter Charleton (1619-1707) has been broadly depicted as a common thinker whose highbrow occupation reflected the highbrow ferment of the ‘scientific revolution’. rather than viewing him as a barometer of highbrow swap, I study the formerly unexplored query of his identification as a doctor. reading 3 of his vernacular clinical texts, this quantity considers Charleton’s innovations on anatomy, body structure and the tools in which he sought to appreciate the invisible tactics of the physique. even supposing fascinated by many empirical investigations in the Royal Society, he didn't supply epistemic primacy to experimental findings, nor did he intentionally determine himself with the empirical tools linked to the ‘new science’. as an alternative Charleton awarded himself as a scholarly eclectic, following a classical version of the self. Physicians had to recommend either old and smooth professionals, with the intention to allure and preserve sufferers. I argue that Charleton’s conditions as a working towards surgeon led to the development of an identification at variance with that greatly linked to common philosophers. The insights he can provide us into the area of 17th century physicians are hugely major and completely attention-grabbing

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Xvii. Westfall, Science and religion, p. 80. REWRITING WALTER CHARLETON 35 constituted a failing. 17 Westfall’s approach does not recognise Charleton’s eclecticism as integral to his epistemology, but rather fixes on the presence of mechanistic thought in the author’s work and generalises it to provide a profile of his world view. ’18 Within late seventeenth-century natural philosophy, according to Osler, the appropriateness of mechanism was not under question. The issue was rather which mechanical model was superior: Cartesian or Gassendian.

See also Schaffer, ‘Godly men’. Shapin, ‘Science and solitude’, p. 207. He claims that private and publicly generated knowledges formed different parts of the knowledge-making process. The individual aspect of creativity was part of a ‘context of discovery’ while the public was part of a ‘context of justification’. Ibid. S. Shapin, ‘Pump and Circumstance: Robert Boyle’s Literary Technology’, Social Studies of Science, vol. 14, 1984, p. 487. Shapin, ‘Pump and Circumstance’ and Peter Dear, ‘Totius in Verba: Rhetoric and authority in the early Royal Society’, Isis, vol.

149-69. Gelbart, ‘Intellectual Development’, p. 168. See Mulligan, ‘Right reason’. Armistead, ‘Introduction’, p. v. Armistead, ‘Introduction’, p. viii. Armistead, ‘Introduction’, xiv. C. Webster, ‘The College of Physicians: “Solomon’s House” in Commonwealth England’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, vol. 41, 1967, pp. 393-412. REWRITING WALTER CHARLETON 37 Lindsay Sharp and Theodore Brown (though Brown disagrees on the nature of the College of Physicians). Robert J. 30 Webster claims that the physician’s beliefs, throughout his apparent transition from hermeticism to atomism, reflected the concerns of his contemporaries.

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